That powerful and instructive closing in the famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto (“Working Men of All Countries, Unite!”), written during a volatile time in modern history by Marx and Engels, should resonate with every worker.It should challenge those responsible for protecting workers’ rights on this Workers’ Day.
This message reinforces that workers should not mimic the cold indifference of their oppressors or adopt their harmful practices. It calls workers to a shared vision. When many stand together, bound by their struggle, they hold the rightful power to repair the broken foundations of society and reclaim the dignity that capitalism has denied them for too long.
The workers’ struggle prior to democracy was closely linked to the need to end the oppressive apartheid system. This included fighting against legal segregation through pass laws, job reservations and migrant labour systems. The fight also involved ending the suppression of unionism and collective bargaining.
Black trade unions faced denial of recognition and their leaders faced severe oppression, including banishment. Black workers were excluded from being recognised as employees under the Industrial Conciliation Act.
The greatest challenge today remains economic exploitation. Black workers are still paid far below a living wage and lack access to benefits enjoyed by their white counterparts.
In mining and agriculture, safety standards for Black workers were poor, leading to high rates of injury, permanent disability and death. These aspects of exclusion were critical for the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP).
They were central reasons for moving towards a more radical, militant, mass-based approach. This struggle forced the ANC and SACP into an alliance to advance workers’ issues even during apartheid’s darkest days, ultimately helping to usher in a democratic South Africa.
The Constitution adopted in 1996, influenced by both the ANC and SACP, serves as the foundational document for the advancement of workers’ rights in South Africa.
Under an ANC-led government in formal alliance with the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), South Africa’s labour system was transformed.
The Labour Relations Act of 1995 revolutionised dispute resolution by establishing the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA).
The Basic Conditions of Employment Act of 1997 set a work-week of 45 hours, mandated paid annual leave of 21 consecutive days and established rights to sick leave and maternity leave.
The Skills Development Act of 1998 set up the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) to fund and oversee worker training, supported by employer levies aimed at upskilling the historically disadvantaged workforce.
For the first time, domestic and farm workers gained access to the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF), providing a safety net against job loss. The SACP and ANC advocated for laws that dismantled the job reservation legacy, which had excluded Black workers from skilled positions.
The Employment Equity Act of 1998 aimed to correct past imbalances by requiring designated employers to implement affirmative action for Black people, women and people with disabilities. The National Minimum Wage Act of 2018 marked a significant recent victory by establishing a national wage floor across all sectors.
However, not all workers’ struggles from the past have been resolved. While workers advanced their battles over the last 32 years of democracy, Cosatu underwent significant changes or rather, decline.
High-profile political exits included SADWU in 1998, LIMUSA and NUMSA in 2014, LIMUSA in 2015, FAWU in 2016 and the disaffiliation of SAFPU and SASAWU.
SAFTU was re-established in 2017. AMCU began in 1998, founded by Joseph Mathunjwa after he was expelled from NUM, a Cosatu affiliate. These departures mattered because they shattered the “One Industry, One Federation” goal, resulting in a multi-federation landscape where Cosatu no longer monopolised organised labour in South Africa.
The exits of UDM in 1997, COPE in 2008, EFF and WASP in 2013, SRWP in 2019 and uMkhonto weSizwe in 2023 from the ANC/SACP partnership further hindered efforts to unite and advance workers’ struggles. Instead of forming a powerful voting bloc that could pressure the government to implement pro-poor policies, the working-class vote is now divided among the ANC, SACP, EFF and MKP.
As of early 2026, the struggle for unity remains challenging. Recent directives from the ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) regarding dual membership, which force members to choose between the ANC and SACP, have further strained the remaining elements of the tripartite alliance.
The tragedy lies in the fracture of the Left in South Africa. The long-standing tripartite alliance has reached a breaking point, with the SACP now preparing to contest the 2026 local government elections.
Workers, mostly Cosatu affiliates, will have to choose between the ANC and SACP on the ballot, further fragmenting the unity of the Left and threatening the tripartite alliance.
When the ANC and SACP split, the worker vote suffered. Rather than a unified voting bloc that can push for pro-worker policies like the National Minimum Wage or NHI, the movement is splintered into smaller, competing factions.
The dual membership ultimatum issued by the ANC in April 2026 forces grassroots activists to choose between their socialist beliefs (SACP) and their historical political home (ANC). This situation creates a sense of mourning at the community level, as neighbours and comrades become divided.
Traditionally, Cosatu, ANC and SACP formed a stable support system. With the ANC and SACP in conflict, Cosatu is effectively left without a home. If it aligns with the SACP, it loses its government seat; if it sticks with the ANC, it risks being seen as a sell-out by its own radical members.
A divided alliance cannot speak with one voice at the National Economic Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC), which makes it easier for business interests to dominate policy discussions. For the average worker, this may not lead to a socialist revolution but instead create a weaker government less capable of delivering services or safeguarding jobs.
Workers will find themselves mourning, as without the SACP’s internal pressure, the ANC is likely to move more quickly towards privatisation and fiscal austerity, policies that typically hurt workers the most. Meanwhile, workers will also mourn the loss of a unified revolutionary movement that once promised them a Better Life for All.
Workers are the only mourners because they directly feel the impact of the ANC’s recent policy changes. The divorce leaves the “one industry, one federation” messaging paralysed because the split in the alliance affects factories and mines. When workers are divided by political loyalty to competing parties, they cannot effectively unite against employers during wage negotiations.
In the tripartite alliance, Cosatu is ideally in alignment with both parties. If it supports the SACP, it loses its access to state power. If it supports the ANC, it sacrifices its identity.
This fragmentation directly undermines the earlier Marxian directive of proletarian unity.
This internal division creates paralysis. The common economic interests of workers in mines and factories get overshadowed by political gatekeeping. This situation ultimately benefits employers, who profit from a divided labour force.
By making workers choose between state access and ideological purity, the structural split keeps the labour movement localised and competitive. It prevents the movement from becoming a unified, revolutionary force that can confront capital.
Lubabalo Cengani is a political studies master’s graduate from Nelson Mandela University. An emerging scholar and researcher, he specialises in South Africa political economy and public infrastructure. He writes in his personal capacity.
When workers are divided by political loyalty to competing parties, they cannot effectively unite against employers during wage negotiations
