On Monday, we come together in many places to celebrate Freedom Day, marking South Africa’s first steps into democracy in 1994.
For the first time, all citizens, no matter their race, were equal at the ballot box. Apartheid ended and constitutional democracy began. We have a real reason to celebrate.
Yet, as we celebrate, we must confront the harsher realities that persist across our region. The state of democracy across Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries is highly uneven. While some nations, such as South Africa, Botswana, Mauritius, Namibia, Seychelles and Zambia, show relative stability and progress; others, including Zimbabwe, Eswatini, the DRC, Madagascar, Angola, Comoros and Mozambique, face serious democratic deficits marked by authoritarianism, weak institutions and repression.
Before I advance my own reflections, let me recall that the official SADC motto is ‘Towards a Common Future’. Its objectives, enshrined in Article 5 of the SADC Treaty (1992), emphasise regional integration, sustainable economic growth, poverty reduction, peace and security and the consolidation of democratic governance.
While we celebrate, our neighbours continue to struggle: Zimbabwe with repression; Eswatini under an absolute monarchy; the DRC plagued by instability; Madagascar destabilised by a recent military coup; Angola dominated by one party; the Comoros trapped in cycles of political upheaval; and Mozambique with violent crackdowns, assassinations and internet shutdowns.
South Africa’s Freedom Day must not only be a celebration but also serve as a benchmark. It shows what genuine liberation looks like but it also reminds us of the unfinished work across all SADC member states. The struggle for freedom in Southern Africa is collective and South Africa’s experience serves as both an inspiration and a reminder of the unfinished work across the region.
Zimbabwe: Imagine young compatriots standing in a long line to cast their vote, hopeful for change, only to face threats and intimidation. Their ballot becomes a symbol of fear rather than freedom.
Eswatini: Picture students who dream of forming a political organisation at university, yet they know that even discussing that possibility is forbidden under the monarchy. Their voices are silenced before they can be heard.
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): Step into the shoes of a mother in Kinshasa who cannot trust the courts or the police because corruption and violence have hollowed out the institutions meant to protect her family.
Madagascar: Think of a shopkeeper in Antananarivo who wakes to yet another coup, uncertain whether tomorrow’s leaders will bring stability or chaos. Their livelihood is caught in the middle of power struggles, where ordinary families pay the price for leaders’ endless battles.
Angola: Consider a journalist who dares to question the ruling party. Their voice is silenced, their articles censored and their courage punished — voices of truth buried under the weight of tyranny.
Comoros: Recall a child growing up under the shadow of repeated coups, never knowing what democracy looks like, only instability passed down like an inheritance.
Mozambique: Picture a protester demanding transparency in elections, only to face bullets, internet blackouts and assassinations. Their call for freedom is met not with dialogue but with lethal force.
If we are to honour our freedom, we must also stand in sympathy with our neighbours, whose struggles remind us that democracy is never guaranteed. Their pain must be felt as our own and their hopes embraced as part of our shared destiny. If we are to fulfil this responsibility, we must insist on:
First, electoral integrity. All SADC members must have independent electoral commissions with transparent voter registration, fair constituency boundaries and, more importantly, clear frameworks. South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) stands as a trusted example of how credibility can be built and maintained.
Second, external observers. Regional and international monitors, from the AU, SADC and beyond, must safeguard fairness. The recent Ghana elections (December 2024) were validated by observers, which shows the power of accountability when the world is watching.
Third, independent judiciaries. Courts must be free to resolve disputes without fear or favour. Malawi’s Constitutional Court, which invalidated flawed elections in 2019, proved that justice can protect democracy when institutions are strong (Chilima and Chakwera vs Mutharika and EC).
Fourth, free media. A free press is the lifeblood of democracy. It ensures transparency, exposes corruption and empowers citizens. South Africa’s vibrant media landscape demonstrates this truth. Yet in Zimbabwe, journalists such as Hopewell Chin’ono face arrest simply for speaking truth to power.
Fifth, civil society and citizen participation. NGOs, activists and ordinary citizens must hold leaders accountable. Malawi’s civic groups, despite constitutional challenges, continue to push for transparency and remind us that democracy belongs to the people.
Sixth, political will and tolerance. Leaders must respect opposition and accept electoral outcomes. Botswana’s tradition of peaceful elections shows what is possible when tolerance prevails. But in Zimbabwe, Eswatini and Angola, opposition voices are silenced and results are contested, undermining the very essence of democracy.
Seventh, security and stability. Democracy cannot thrive where violence and intimidation prevail. For example, the DRC’s constitutional provisions exist but instability continues to undermine elections and rob citizens of their democratic rights.
These are not abstract principles; they are the building blocks of freedom.
South Africa’s own journey shows that democracy can be won, defended and deepened. But our responsibility does not end at our borders. South Africa’s Freedom Day is a reminder that democracy must be defended and extended beyond borders. The region’s future depends on strengthening institutions, protecting rights and ensuring political tolerance.
South Africa cannot remain a passive observer while our neighbours struggle; our own liberation carries with it a profound responsibility to stand with them, share our hard-won lessons and help strengthen democracy across the SADC region.
Our responsibility is no mere ideal; it demands tangible action and unwavering commitment:
• South Africa must use its voice in SADC, the AU and the UN to press for reforms and condemn repression. Silence is complicity.
• Our IEC, Constitutional Court and Chapter 9 institutions are models. We must offer training, technical support and exchange programmes to strengthen institutions across the region.
• South Africa’s vibrant press can partner with journalists across SADC, offering solidarity, platforms and protection for those silenced in their own countries.
• Our NGOs and civic movements must build regional networks, supporting activists in Eswatini, Zimbabwe and beyond.
• South Africa’s economic power must be tied to democratic accountability. Trade and investment should encourage, not undermine, human rights.
• Our universities, artists and youth movements can foster a culture of democracy across borders, reminding the region that freedom is not only political but generational.
Our liberation is a debt that remains unpaid as long as our neighbours remain in chains. We must move beyond the rhetoric of ‘non-interference’ and embrace a doctrine of ‘proactive solidarity’.
I call upon the South African government and the SADC Secretariat to move beyond symbolic gestures. It is time to establish a SADC Democratic Charter with real authority — one that shifts from mere observation to the active enforcement of human rights standards in Eswatini, Zimbabwe, the DRC and beyond.
Freedom Day must not be treated as a day of rest for our diplomats but as a day of renewed resolve — a day to intensify pressure on those who suffocate the ballot box and silence the will of the people.
To our scholars and activists, use your platforms not just to critique but to connect. We must build a trans-SADC coalition that shares resources, intelligence and advocacy strategies across borders. When an activist is silenced in Antananarivo, Harare, Luanda or Kinshasa, the echo of dissent must be heard in democratic member states in Pretoria, Port Louis or Gaborone. From that echo must follow intervention, solidarity and regional pressure that insists democracy is not optional, but essential.
Let our universities become hubs of regional dialogue, our NGOs become bridges of solidarity and our youth movements become the heartbeat of a new democratic generation. Let artists and writers carry the stories of repression across borders so that no struggle remains hidden and no voice is lost in isolation.
Let us commit ourselves beyond the celebration of our own history to the active advancement of democracy across the region. We must lead by example, lending the collective weight of our institutions, scholars and activists to those still caught in the struggle for self-determination.
Our pride as a SADC member is conditional; it is incomplete so long as Zimbabwe yearns for liberation, Eswatini seeks democracy, the DRC pursues stability and the nations of Angola, Madagascar and Comoros await genuine democratic reform.
For it is only when every SADC nation stands free that we can truly say: Freedom has finally come to Africa.
Aluta continua!
Paledi Alfred Sathekge is a human rights proponent.
If we are to honour our freedom, we must also stand in sympathy with our neighbours, whose struggles remind us that democracy is never guaranteed. Their pain must be felt as our own and their hopes embraced as part of our shared destiny
